[wrenched from its original publication as a comment, but, given the rampant inadequacies inherent in the blogspot system (and limited set of ascribers on this site), perhaps a justified repositioning]
in response to questions whether "Serbians [are] talking with you about the bombing...[,] explicitly linking nationalism and regionalism or nationalism and the bombing"):
no, most living here are too wrapped up in living either the reality described above or various toned-down versions (effects) thereof. as i, for my part, cannot do other than observe, i am, however, extraordinarily blessed by the language teacher with whom i was (arbitrarily) linked. Tijana is as willing (and better equipped, because she has the experiential knowledge to which i have, ultimately, no access) as i am to sear through the nonsense. when i say that language class is saving me, i do not exaggerate and mean, mostly, that it is the only context of my existence here which reaches beyond itself in the manner which makes live worthy of being lived.
it's hard to tell which of us is the more in love with language, excited by its intricacies and matchless power. after the awe, when both it and the pure laughter quiet down and, again, we're able to speak, we often discuss things in which we are resolutely not qualified. today was Oliver Cromwell (i did quite the explication of Whigs and Tories, i might add; any minor historical inaccuracies in my rendition i attribute to the srpski medium). last week i was busy transferring all of the Johnny Cash i own (in two batches, via the prstička [thumb drive]) over to her computer. it is no surprise, then, that we share a critical view of events and societal tendencies in this country—and can discuss these. perhaps it was my precedent (the way, in the course of about 14 seconds, i consecutively slandered all of my countries), but Tijana speaks about Srbija with a perceptive eye and tongue that i rarely hear or see. thus, it was she who heard, and was herself nauseated by, these sentiments firsthand and willingly shared them with me yesterday. the synthesis is mine, and although only a working hypothesis, it measures up (and lends unfortunate clarity) to the multifaceted truth of residing in this place, now.
speaking of culture, articulating anything meaningful thereabout: the activity works in language class, even if the exercise is problematic nearly everywhere else. this is no coincidence.
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2 comments:
Is the "regional identity" described in the earlier post as dwindling or narrowing the Yugoslavian identity, the Slavic identity, or something else? And where do the Montenegrins fit in?
your sentence is a bit confusing (whether "dwindling or narrowing" is a verbal adjective or something done to the Yugoslavian/Slavic/something else identity), but let me try to explain.
the regional identity of which i speak is, in the case given, on the level of the town. however, i see it even further limited: graffiti messages which are sufficiently strident, militant, and organised to belong to a nation (which furthers my general point on the subject), even while they, in reality, pertain to an individual sector of Beograd (or Zemun, or Novi Sad), equivalent to a few bounded blocks. a xenophobia more powerful than i have ever seen causes people to identify with smaller and smaller groups. at the same time (and this is what i was trying to say in the first post on the subject), i do think that even the one whose fear has turned into a rejection of more and more things that were once his own ultimately realise the unsustainability of the trend, if only for practical reasons, or in the interest of credibility. this is the point at which the nationalist tendency, which has been operative and, indeed, driving the entire mechanism, becomes its true self (the one we know and love and call "nationalism," in regards a state). for example, the ones who maintained that they cared not what happened in another town in Srbija, a few hours away, suddenly see (not—or maybe not—that this is misanthropic, not that this is cruel) but that it doesn't hold up, doesn't offer any (political or otherwise) clout. this is the point at which the grand mal type nationalism takes hold: every argument from this point is about the entire nation of Srbija, &tc.
it all comes across as a big swagger, and maybe that's exactly what it is: sounding great because you're little, certain because you're confused.
i'm glad that you raised the issue of Crna Gora [Montenegro] because, i think, it demonstrates this combination of elements very well. the initial reaction of Serbs is the xenophobic one. however, almost immediately, this is followed with the usual "but [insert any other region in the former Jugoslavia] is really Srbija, you know." i would be the first to admit to a modified version of this, ie. a continuity as long as it's not a pan-Serbianism. the union between Srbija and Crna Gora is artificial at best; lately, all the talk is about an independence and i think this will be an eventuality within the next few years. the question is, however, how this will proceed. at the moment, i think it will be peaceful. but who knows? the significant ethnic Albanian minority in Crna Gora could be enough to turn any secession into a Kosovo/a situation. basically, most political acts in Srbija are totally irrational and fueled by this intense fear of having any piece of land which has been claimed by Serbian minds and maps lopped off. it doesn't help that, during the conflict (1997, i think), the president of Crna Gora, Djukanovic, realised what was happening and switched sides. he had been a Milošević supporter. as usual, though, it's a mess. parts of Crna Gora are, essentially, Serbian. the coastal region (main concrete reason why Srbija wants to hold onto it, qua (dude. i just used "qua;" this is becoming ridiculous) Srbija)) is distinct, maybe "real" Crna Gora. everything is just too damn close, which further makes my point. likewise for the individual identifications: some back the government in Beograd, others do not, either for reasons of autonomy or Western/EU-minded proclivities. i think, in general, the West is nervous about secession, even if "it" might agree, on theoretical/ideological grounds, with those in Crna Gora who wish to separate themselves from Srbija.
the revealing element is, however, the egg-shell walking that is made necessary whenever Srbija is involved (by everyone else, without exception). Crna Gora can't do anything drastic (even if it wanted to, which probably wouldn't be the case, divided as it is) because this could lead to a war and a crushing. at the same time, though, there are lots of reasons why Crna Gora should be independent. i say this last sentence without conviction, but only because it is a logical necessity: Jugoslavia should either be united or carved up, but not halfway in between. given that a single Jugoslavia (or at least the idea thereof) is so tainted with that of "Serboslavia," even if it might be more "accurate" (because the similarities are huge between all of the countries in this region, with the possible exception of Albania), all of the smaller states should be able to exercise autonomy. it's unfortunate, but, given the state of Serbdom (its capacities and hankerings, at least historically speaking), is the only way.
i end with a note about stickers on the back windows of autos here. in most countries, these are straightforward, with one or two letters: NL, A, RO, PL, CZ (that one cracks me up because do you see any Z in Česka Republika? maybe, like Whigs and Tories, being called/spelled like something by another party eventually rubs off). here, though, amidst the BiH [Bosna i Hercegovina], SCG [Srbija i Crna Gora], HR [Hrvatska/Croatia], i have seen: just S, just CG, many many YU (have got to love that on a rattling Yugo—oh, wait...everything on the street is, yes, a Yugo. or rattles), a SER (below which was printed "State of Serbia"), and, just the other day, a V [for Vojvodina; see discussion of centralisation]. then there's the random Virginia and Ohio [license plates]. we are all mad here, and drive like it, too....
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